Travel, social networks and time use

Chiara Calastri , in Mapping the Travel Behavior Genome, 2020

ii.two.1 Social interactions

The determinants of communication patterns between individuals and their social network members can be seen as a discrete-continuous choice, in the sense that a person can choose the mode of interaction with a given network member, and for each mode a given frequency. The process can therefore exist modeled with the MDCEV model, which is applied to this new area of analysis. Equally mentioned in a higher place, while previous research efforts looking at this decision mainly used multi-level models or multi-level path assay, the MDCEV represents a more suitable framework that jointly deals with the continuous and discrete choice dimension and can accommodate corner solutions. This framework also allows us to measure satiation from different modes, something that was non accommodated in previous studies.

We make employ of "ego-centric" social network data collected in Switzerland (encounter Kowald and Axhausen, 2014) originally collected equally a snowball sample: each of the 40 "ego-seeds" initially recruited was asked to report the names and other data nearly their social contacts, who were asked to do the same in turn. The sample used for analysis included 638 egos and 13,500 alters.

The γ-specification of the MDCEV model was adopted as it fitted the data better and the overall number of social interactions over a year was used as the individual-specific budget, making this an allocation model. Our findings bear witness that both the respondent's (ego) characteristics besides as those of the relationship betwixt him/her and each social contact (ego-alter) have a significant impact on communication patterns. In particular, differently from similar studies which made apply of social network data, the simultaneous modeling technique adopted in the present paper allows us to find that dyad level variables have a much more pregnant result on advice frequency than ego-level ones, a result that supports the need to brand use of measures related to the similarities and differences between egos and alters to sympathize interaction patterns.

As an example, Fig. 15.one shows the impact of the distance (in km) betwixt the ego and the change's home location on the utility of interacting past the unlike modes. The bear on on face-to-face is larger than on other modes, followed by SMS, telephone and electronic mail. Utility decreases with distance for confront-to-confront, telephone and SMS, while the opposite happens with email, a mode that seems to exist used for different purposes and perhaps with different people equally opposed to the first iii. Nosotros as well discover that when the historic period deviation between the ego and an alter increases (i.e. one of the two is probable to exist quite old), face-to-face and phone are more than likely to be used equally opposed to SMS and email. People are also more likely to communicate past whatever mode with those who they consider to be emotionally shut. The model results highlight a strong underlying preference for face-to-face contact (especially with core contacts). This is an important conclusion given the on-going argue on potential substitution furnishings between ICT based modes of communication and most traditional ones.

Fig. 15.1. Effect of distance on the utility of each mode.

We performed an illustrative forecasting example (using the Pinjari and Bhat (2010a) forecasting algorithm) which shows how a model of the type used here can be used to gain insights into the likely changes in travel patterns resulting from changes in the composition and characteristics of a social network. In detail, we selected a friend of each ego's who lived less than 5   km away and increased this distance by 10%. The main results of this do evidence that the overall frequency of interaction is inelastic with respect to the change, and that while the computed distance elasticity is small and negative for the relocated change, the overall elasticity is positive (though also pocket-size), meaning that there is a positive impact on the overall altitude traveled.

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Introduction—The New Telecommunication Environment

Sharon K. Black Attorney-at-Law , in Telecommunications Law in the Internet Age, 2002

ane.9 NEW LOCAL ACCESS OPTIONS

In response to these new communications patterns, telecommunications provider companies have begun offering expanded network access options for local customers. These options include technologies such as (one) digital subscriber lines (DSL) and Integrated Services Digital Networks (ISDN) over a twisted pair of copper lines, (2) two-manner CATV, (3) two-style wireless, (iv) two-way satellite, (5) expanded optic fiber, and (6) distribution of communications over existing electric utility lines. Each option has moved users from traditional low-speed, narrowband access to profoundly improved, high-speed, broadband admission that facilitates apply of the Net.

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Interpersonal Psychotherapy

Scott Stuart , Michael Robertson , in Encyclopedia of Psychotherapy, 2002

I.D.2. Communication Assay and Interpersonal Incidents

The analysis of the patient'southward communication patterns is one of the primary techniques used in IPT. The therapist'southward chore is to assist the patient to communicate more clearly what he or she wants from significant others. Communication analysis requires that the therapist elicit data from the patient most of import interpersonal incidents. Interpersonal incidents are descriptions past the patient of specific interactions with a significant other. If the identified dispute results in a pattern of fighting between spouses, the therapist might inquire the patient to "depict the terminal fourth dimension you lot and your spouse got into a fight," or to "depict ane of the more than recent big fights y'all had with your spouse." The therapist should direct the patient to draw the advice that occurred in particular, re-creating the dialogue as accurately as possible. The patient should draw his or her affective reactions also as both verbal and nonverbal responses, and describe observations of his or her spouse's nonverbal behavior.

The purpose of discussing an interpersonal incident is twofold: (1) to provide information regarding the miscommunication that is occurring between the parties; and (two) to provide insight to the patient about the unrealistic view that the problem is intractable. The goal in working through an interpersonal incident is to examine the patient's communication so that maladaptive patterns of advice can be identified. The patient can then begin to change his or her communication so that his or her attachment needs are better met.

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The Evolving Impacts of ICT on Activities and Travel Behavior

Peter van der Waerden , ... Geert Wets , in Advances in Transport Policy and Planning, 2019

4.2 Some start results

Before coming to some details regarding the respondents' advice blueprint a brief description of the sample will exist provided. In general, it seems that almost all respondents ain a smartphone (96.3%) and more two-third (69.6%) of the respondents has access to internet with their smartphone. In addition, some personal characteristics of the sample are given in Table ii. It appears that distribution across gender and educational level follows general expectations. In contrast, the respondents are relatively young and mainly from Kingdom of belgium.

Tabular array 2. Characteristics of the sample.

Characteristics Levels Frequencies Percentages
Gender Male person 218 53.viii
Female person 187 46.2
Age 26 years or younger 263 64.9
27 years or older 142 35.1
Educational level Undergraduate/graduate 185 45.7
Masters 165 40.seven
Doctorate/mail service-doctorate 55 13.6
Country of origin Kingdom of belgium 214 52.viii
Pakistan 81 xx.0
Other western countries 56 13.8
Other non-western countries 54 thirteen.4
Full 405 100.0

Because of the availability of data from the empirical study, nosotros focus on the so-called Mobility Remainder when presenting some preliminary results (Fig. 3). The mobility balance represents the advice patterns of individuals by a ratio of the numbers of digital and physical trips. In full, 1135 communication patterns are used to produce the results shown beneath.

Fig. 3

Fig. 3. The mobility residue as representative of communication patterns.

The mobility balance includes five classes. The first class includes advice patterns only covering digital trips. In the second grade, the number of digital trips is higher than the number of physical trips. The third form consists of advice patterns where the numbers of digital and physical trips are equal. The 4th class consists of patterns where the number of digital trips is less than the number of physical trips. Finally, the fifth class includes advice patterns with just physical trips. Fig. 4 shows the distribution of the 1135 communication patterns beyond the v classes. It appears that more forty% of the communication patterns include more digital trips than physical trips. The amount of advice patterns where the number of digital and physical trips is equal is approximately 35%. The form where the number of digital trips is smaller than the number of physical trips covers about xv%. The ii remaining classes with only digital trips and just physical trips cover only a express number of communication patterns.

Fig. 4

Fig. four. Mobility balance based on 1135 communication patterns.

In add-on to a general view of communication patterns, some specific views are generated. From the literature review information technology came out that distance between individuals and their contacts, and type of relation (eastward.grand., family, friends, and colleagues) are interesting topics in the context of advice patterns. Fig. 5 shows the distribution of communication patterns across different classes. The figure shows for two distance classes, the percentages of the various classes. It appears that for longer distances (more than 20   km), the amount of digital mobility is greater than the corporeality of physical mobility. In the case of shorter distances (20   km and less), the share of physical mobility is equal to or greater than the digital mobility.

Fig. 5

Fig. 5. Overview mobility residue and distances.

In addition Fig. half-dozen shows that the communication patterns of respondents with Family unit and friends more or less follow the same pattern; a high share of the classes with more than digital than physical trips. In dissimilarity, the communication with colleagues shows a different picture; the amount of physical mobility is equal to or greater than the corporeality of digital mobility.

Fig. 6

Fig. 6. Overview mobility residue and social network relation.

With the results shown above, it is possible to identify the distribution between physical and digital mobility of certain groups or even individuals. This information gives insights into what different target groups have to be considered when trying to move physical trips toward digital trip. Of course, the highest profit can be achieved in the instance of the classes "Digital   <   Physical" and "Physical only."

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Professionalisation of Sales in Thailand: A Perspective on Personal Connections

Sunanta Chaisrakeo , Mark Speece , in The Globalisation of Executives and Economies, 2006

Advice and Relationships

Thailand is a "high context" culture in terms of interpersonal communication patterns. "Context" is well-nigh the circumstances surrounding advice, which include the roles of participants in the communication, social relationships, power relationships, condition, the physical environment and all the nonverbal aspects of communication, such every bit expression and body language. Cultures differ in how much all of this surrounding context must exist taken into account in order to sympathise fully what is beingness said ( Hall, 1976, 1983). In high-context cultures, much of the message is implicit in the context and non carried in the specific words. The primary communication depends on all the contextual cues for meaning (Thatcher, 2001).

Loftier-context cultures are common throughout the world and particularly in Asia, for example, Nippon, China, Korea and well-nigh Southeast Asian cultures. These cultures are strongly collectivist and human relationship oriented (Hofstede, 1991; Mintu-Wimsatt and Gassenheimer, 2000; Trompenaars, 1994). People are very involved with each other and there is unremarkably a focus on building interpersonal relationships. In advice, relationships are necessary for real depth of meaning. The depth is in the context, non the words and the deep meanings of letters are widely shared without extensive explicit statement (Chang, 2002; Thatcher, 2001). Variables such as status, values and associations are important parts of communication and play a office in how the linguistic communication is interpreted. Individuals in high-context cultures utilise expressive manner or non-verbal language such as phonation, posture, gesture, torso language, facial expression and periods of silence extensively in their communication (Simintiras and Thomas, 1998).

By contrast, in depression-context cultures, meaning in advice resides mainly in explicitly stated words rather than in the surrounding context (Thatcher, 2001). This is more ofttimes characteristic of individualistic cultures, where people are relatively uninvolved with each other (Hofstede, 1991; Mintu-Wimsatt and Gassenheimer, 2000; Trompenaars, 1994). Data must be transferred explicitly through words, because negotiating counterparts are not likely to know virtually of the context (Chang, 2002). Countries in North America and much of Western Europe have low-context cultures, such as the USA, Canada, Switzerland and Germany (Graham et al., 1994; Mintu-Wimsatt and Gassenheimer, 2000; Simintiras and Thomas, 1998). In these cultures, words mean what they say and the message does not depend on context then that people tin can understand them without requiring boosted, often subconscious knowledge. For a elementary example, Thai culture strongly dislikes confrontation, to the extent that Thais exercise non even similar to say negative things directly. Notwithstanding, every Thai sales rep knows when a Thai prospective client has rejected a sales offering, because they take into account the situation of the speaker, the body language and tone of voice. They put the polite words into context to understand the pregnant. Many Westerners cannot understand exactly what the same Thai prospect ways, because they are used to focusing on the words and do not pay sufficient attention to putting them in context. In an extreme case, a Western rep unfamiliar with the communication mode might recall the Thai prospective customer has expressed some willingness to buy when, in fact, the Thai has definitively rejected the thought.

From the Thai perspective, it is hard to judge sincerity, trust or commitment without a relationship. Trust in doing business comes from experience in dealing directly with people. Quite a lot of cognition almost how they will behave in the business organisation relationship comes from observing them during periods of man interaction. In low context cultures, trust might come from getting the words written down, especially when there is a strong legal arrangement to enforce those words. Human interaction is less important. However, in Asia, one cannot estimate by what is written in the contract – that is only words, without understanding the context. Without a relationship, non much advice has taken place at all, regardless of what the words say.

It seems unlikely, then, that connections volition disappear every bit Asians implement modern professional selling. Their role, though, will change from deal-making based on connections in Old Asia. In New Asia, modern managers want products and services that work for their company and do non buy simply because they know someone. Nevertheless, connections supply context and initial trust, the foundations upon which to build the relationship involving extensive subsequent information exchange.

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Evolution and Relationships: A Dynamic Model of Communication

Alan Fogel , in Advances in the Report of Beliefs, 1995

1 Instance: Human Mother–Baby–Object Interaction

In humans, infants acquire reaching at betwixt 3 and 5 months of age. The presumption is that reaching and other sensorimotor skills are acquired through the babe's own agile exploration with the nonsocial environment (Burnham and Dickinson, 1981; Piaget, 1952; Thelen et al., 1993; von Hofsten and Ronnqvist, 1993). My own piece of work has revealed, however, that early human sensorimotor development is embedded within the mother–babe human relationship system (Fogel, 1990b; Reimers and Fogel, 1992; West and Fogel, 1990).

At the age of three months, human infants have none of the postural control that would support independent reaching. In the traditional (i.due east., nonsocial) studies of reaching, infants are supported upright in a hightech baby seat designed especially to facilitate the gratis move of their arms, while giving them the feeling of supportive comfort. Researchers also must adjust the distance, size, colour, shape, and weight of the objects to what is "reachable" and "graspable" for the infant. These researchers have, without explicit recognition, created a sociocultural context of postural support and object choice in which baby reaching emerges. In the natural situation, a considerably more than dynamic sociocultural context is cocreated with the parent.

Our inquiry shows that many features of sensorimotor skill are inherently communicative, not individualistic, because in some way the infant has to let the parent know what to provide. The babe's initial reaches and the way in which the baby manipulates and attends to objects are socially constructed and depend on the unique qualities of the particular relationship the babe has with the parent.

We videotaped thirteen mother–infant dyads weekly between the ages of 1 and 12 months. For this analysis, we chose vi weekly sessions before and six sessions following the onset of baby visually directed reaching. Infants were supine on the floor of a laboratory playroom. One camera was focused on the infant'due south body and another on the female parent and infant. Both cameras were mixed with a special effects generator into a composite epitome. The female parent was instructed to play with the infant as she might at home, and she was free to use whatsoever of a set of age-advisable infant toys available in the room. Videotapes were coded for mother and baby actions on objects besides as infant gaze management.

The following narrative descriptions compare two mother–infant dyads that differ in their communication patterns about objects. Both infants are 4 months of age.

Jerry: The mother presents objects to the baby while the infant lies on his dorsum, watches and tries to reach for the objects. The mother alternates between demonstrating the object's properties and then moving the object so the infant tin can easily contact the object with his easily. She helps the infant grasp the object and helps to selection it upward when dropped. She seems focused on highlighting the object'southward physical features and on maintaining the infant's attention to the object. Her voice is distinctly unlike for each of these object-related actions, helping to marker the different pieces of activeness for the infant. The infant remains alarm, attentive to the object, and smiles and brightens in a modulated style that is co-regulated with the female parent's actions and vox. She seems content to wait until the infant loses interest in an object before introducing some other 1. When she introduces objects to the babe, she rarely persists for more than ten seconds unless the infant shows some interest. (Fogel, 1993, pp. 111–112)

Andrew: Like Jerry's mother, this mother likewise demonstrates the physical affordances of the objects, but in a rather different style. She moves the object continuously in the aforementioned position as the baby gets excited, but rarely follows upwards by putting the object in the babe's hand. She touches the infant's face and trunk with the object and when Andrew loses visual contact, he becomes visibly frustrated and over-agitated, calming only when the mother puts the object down. The mother'southward voice is like in its tonal characteristics regardless of the activity. Even when Andrew is holding an object, his mother touches or distracts him with a unlike object, a theme change that gives the child little opportunity for focused and socially supported visual and manual exploration. (Fogel, 1993, p. 112)

As a result of the differences in the communication system, Andrew'due south knowledge almost and skill with objects appears to exist more fragmentary than Jerry'south. For Andrew, visual attention to objects is non systematically linked to the transmission exploratory organization. Information technology is every bit if the nature of the communication system is cardinal to the infant's feel of the world and his activeness upon information technology. In this view, Andrew and Jerry are developing, through their human relationship with their mothers, a very different experience of the world, and perhaps for each child a different prepare of meanings or functions becomes related to the aforementioned set of objects.

Using a more quantitative approach (Fogel and Due west, in preparation), we divided infants into two groups of half dozen: those whose attending to objects was coordinated with their actions on objects (loftier focal attention) and those who were less likely to gaze at objects on which they were interim (low focal attention). The twelve weekly sessions for each dyad were divided into three age periods of four sessions each: prereach, transition, and postreach. The focal attention groups were created by examining the mean duration during the postreach menses of all instances of focal attention, that is, when infants were looking at an object they were holding. The median infant from the original 13 in the study was dropped.

The mean duration of focal attending for the six infants above the median during the 4 postreach sessions was 7.55 s, compared to 1.60 s for the low focal attention grouping. Thus, the infants in the high group were focally attention almost v times as long, on the boilerplate, every bit the infants in the depression group. During the postreach period, the high focal attending infants were likely to distribute their fourth dimension across all the toys and they used a greater variety of adaptive actions (shaking a rattle, squeezing a soft toy). The low focal attention infants concentrated primarily on 2 objects, soft toys that they grasped with 2 easily and spent a relatively large percentage of time mouthing without looking at them, rather than engaging in visually directed transmission exploration.

Table I shows the elapsing and percentage of co-occurrences between mother and baby actions for each of the three historic period periods and for each group of infants. Co-occurrences are defined every bit the joint occurrence of both the female parent and babe action. The table shows the duration of co-occurrence for instances when the infant was gazing at the toy object, that is, focally attentive.

Table I. Total Durations, Summed across Subjects, of Co-Occurrence (in s) and within-Group Row Percentages for Mother and Infant Actions While the Infant is Gazing at the Toy Object

Infant action
High focal attention Low focal attention
Age
period		 Female parent action No toy Explore Rima oris Reach No toy Explore Oral cavity Reach
Prereach Support
Duration 31 1 61 2 82 465 61 0 5
Row percent 66 xiv 0 20 85 10 0 25
Demonstrate
Duration 1928 302 49 68 1906 68 fourteen 53
Row pct 83 12 two 3 96 ii 0 two
Social play
Duration 896 161 23 11 574 57 0 4
Row pct 78 17 4 1 83 thirteen 0 1
Transition Back up
Duration 606 359 8 279 265 522 xix 132
Row percent 48 30 I 22 30 52 2 16
Demonstrate
Duration 1064 398 51 98 983 508 83 153
Row per centum 70 22 3 v 61 26 6 eight
Social play
Elapsing 954 1603 136 120 899 1421 325 88
Row percent 27 64 4 5 26 56 xiv iv
Postreach Support
Duration 287 42 1 21 423 115 51 39 151
Row per centum 24 35 2 38 xiii 62 v twenty
Demonstrate
Elapsing 550 942 76 289 363 649 97 176
Row percent 32 48 4 16 30 49 7 xiv
Social play
Duration 1280 1391 544 577 632 2513 1187 175
Row pct 20 63 7 x fourteen 59 23 4

Behavior definitions are equally follows. Mother support refers to any endeavour to assist the babe in reaching for or manupulating an object. Demonstrate is to show the infant the appropriate use of the toy, such every bit shaking a rattle. Social play refers to any instance of play in which the focus is non on objects, only on the mother–infant confront-to-confront interaction. For the infants, no toy is any period in which the infant is not holding a toy, although the infant may be watching the mother support or demonstrate a toy she is holding. Explore refers to whatever manual action on a toy, while mouth refers to oral contact with the toy. Reach is whatsoever instance in which the baby attempts to recall a toy with arm extended.

The durations in the cells of Table I fit a log-linear model in which all the main and interaction effects were significant. All the factors (age period, focal attending group, infant activity, and mother action) and their interactions must be taken into account to explicate the data in the table.

During the prereach period, the mothers in the low attention group were more than active in all categories when the babe was non holding a toy. Mothers in the high attention group were four times more probable, during the prereach menstruation, to support infant attempts to achieve and six times more probable to demonstrate objects during infant object exploration periods.

In the transition period, these patterns were somewhat reversed. Loftier attention grouping mothers were more active when the infant was not holding an object, especially for the category of support. Mothers of low attention infants were more probable to support while the infant explored. During this period, low attention infants spent almost iii times every bit long mouthing objects than the high attention infants, and their mothers attempted more social play when the babe was mouthing.

During the postreach period, in that location were once over again big differences in the duration of infant mouthing between the ii groups, and mothers of depression attention infants were primarily social during this activeness. The distribution of maternal support was especially revealing. Mothers of low focal attention infants were more than likely to back up the babe's object exploration, while mothers of high attention infants supported reaching attempts and allowed the infants the opportunity to explore more independently at this age. There were few group differences in the patterns of maternal demonstration.

The overall flick is one in which the developmental modify in the high attending dyads is from early maternally supported object play to after more than independent object play to which the infants are more visually circumspect and explore a greater variety of objects. In the low attention grouping, mothers were more than active in the early menstruum in relation to their infants' relatively lower object-directed actions, and they persisted in their supportive involvement with the objects in the later periods every bit the infants became less visually circumspect in relation to relatively few objects in which they specialized. It is not clear from these data if either mother or infant is the cause. What is articulate is that mother–infant–object relationships are circuitous relational systems that over time tend to create a small number of stable patterns of joint action.

There is converging evidence from other enquiry that early on attending to and manipulation of objects is socially constructed. Grey (1978) reported differences in object play between mother–infant dyads similar to the ones nosotros found. Infants are more skilled at object play if they accept been exposed to more than frequent adult touching, carrying, and holding (White and Castle, 1964). Preterm infants show more accelerated sensorimotor evolution when their mothers play more object games with them (Landry, Chapieski, and Schmidt, 1986). Finally, infant attention to objects is more focused if mothers time their interventions with objects to periods in which the babe shows some prior involvement in the object (Parinello and Ruff, 1988). These implicitly causal findings, however, were based on research in which measures of female parent and infant were taken out of the context of the human relationship process.

In this case, the important point is that there is not a predefined fix of meaningful signals past which mothers and infants communicate about objects. On the opposite, dyads tin can accept almost anything as communicative and incorporate that into the relationship. Small variations in vocal intonation become meaningful for one dyad and not for another. The objects themselves get meaningful to infants and mothers non merely for their concrete-perceptual features, just because of the manner in which objects are used: as ways of satisfying marvel, as a means to become attention, as a source of pleasure or distress.

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Computer Admission

Jutta Treviranus , Linda Petty , in Clinician's Guide to Assistive Engineering science, 2002

User and Support Team Credence of Applied science and Access Method

The effect of applied science on the users and others in their surround can be intrusive. The effect of the technology on daily routines, communication patterns, and employ of infinite and time need to exist anticipated, clearly communicated, and approved by the user and others in their environment before implementation. The expediency of using a less cosmetic or uncommon admission method such as switching input by caput or foot movement or using an unusual interface needs to exist clearly understood and accepted past the user and back up team to prevent equipment abandonment or under utilize.

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Bibliometric research

Gaby Haddow , in Enquiry Methods (Second Edition), 2018

The role of scholarly communication patterns and disciplinary differences

Another important figure in bibliometrics was Derek de Solla Price, an historian of science who made a meaning contribution to our understanding of the scholarly communication patterns of different fields ( Price, 1965, 1970). Toll examined the growth of science, including the time that literature remained cited. He used citation frequencies and age to place differences in literature employ to define "hard science, soft science, technology, and nonscience" (Price, 1970, p. 3). This work indicated that cutting-edge research is probable to cite more papers and more recent papers than enquiry in the softer sciences.

Scholarly communication patterns reverberate the nature of scholarship in a field. For example, humanities researchers are more probable to write books or book chapters, medical researchers will tend to publish journals articles, and briefing papers are preferred past engineers. In the humanities, citations are more often than not to older publications, while scientific discipline fields cite more than recent works. Even within fields at that place volition be different scholarly communication patterns. In education, for example, at that place are science-focussed areas like educational psychology, and social sciences areas such equally curriculum design. These differences will influence the numeric value of bibliometric indicators calculated for fields.

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Interpersonal Media Used by Couples in Non-Proximal Romantic Relationships

Sherry Craft , Yolanda Evie Garcia , in Emotions, Applied science, and Wellness, 2016

Abstruse

Modern communication technologies provide communicative spaces for distanced interpersonal relationships. The nowadays chapter will focus on understanding characteristics, benefits/advantages, and challenges unique to the communication patterns and technology that are function of non-proximal romantic relationships (NPRRs), what many people think of every bit long distance romantic relationships. Still, NPRR is a broader term that includes separations non solely characterized by physical distance, including college students, military couples, dual career commuter couples, industry workers, and cyber/Net relationships. The manner in which relationship maintenance strategies interface with technology for NPRR couples is examined. Cerebral processes, nuances, and intention backside selecting and utilizing various reckoner-mediated communication media, including e-mail (e-mail), video chat, mobile telephone texting, and instant messaging, is explored. The use of various engineering science media is discussed inside the framework of cue multiplicity, synchronicity, and mobility. Minimal inquiry exists on how technology impacts NPRRs in different ways compared with couples in proximal romantic relationships who live within close physical proximity. This chapter describes implications for understanding distance relating, advice dynamics, and relationship maintenance equally these concepts relate to clinical approaches targeted at assisting couples in NPRRs.

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Implementation Science

Dean Fixsen , ... Melissa Van Dyke , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd Edition), 2015

Diffusion, Broadcasting, and Implementation

Implementation scientific discipline is a alloy of iii strands of cognition development. Get-go, diffusion theory as described by Rogers (1995) originated in the 1950s in agriculture and focused on advice patterns related to adoption of innovations in farming (e.g., apply of hybrid seed; crop rotation). Improvidence theory has been generalized to a wide multifariousness of fields and is the best known of the three strands. The outcome of improvidence of information is a decision to adopt an innovation.

The second strand is dissemination theory or, more accurately, dissemination theories. Brownson et al. (2012) provide a summary of dissemination findings and Tabak et al. (2012) list over lx theories pertaining primarily to dissemination. Dissemination theories typically focus on helping practitioners, managers, policy makers, and others understand research findings and then they may be more likely to use those findings in their work. The outcome of broadcasting is understanding an innovation and attempting to make employ of the innovation in practice.

The third and most recent strand is implementation theory. Implementation theory is based on evaluations of attempts to apply innovations in practice. Applied research data are accumulating rapidly as common language, common measures, and guiding frameworks go available. Meyers et al. (2012) provide a comparative summary of 25 implementation frameworks. The outcome of implementation is full, constructive, and sustained use of an innovation in practice.

The field is on the verge of a unifying theory of implementation that includes improvidence and dissemination forth with active approaches to moving science into service in society to realize the promise of evidence-based programs and other innovations.

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